The Rayburn House Office Building does not often draw crowds. But on the day Nicole Kidman was scheduled to testify before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on violence against women, people lined up in the corridors to get in. That, in itself, was a measure of what her presence meant to the campaign.
For the advocates who had spent years pushing the International Violence Against Women Act through congressional committees — including Women Thrive Worldwide's president Ritu Sharma and a coalition spanning faith communities, development organisations, and women's rights groups — Kidman's appearance represented something specific: the ability to break through the noise and make a complicated piece of foreign policy legislation feel urgent and personal to an audience far beyond Capitol Hill.
Why Nicole Kidman? The Road to the Hearing
Nicole Kidman joined UNIFEM — the United Nations Development Fund for Women, which later became UN Women — as a Goodwill Ambassador in January 2006. The decision was not a routine celebrity cause attachment. It was driven by a specific horror: the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
What was happening in the DRC had registered on the international radar as a conflict story, but rarely as a women's rights story. Women and girls were being raped not as a byproduct of war but as a deliberate military strategy — to destroy communities, to terrorise populations, to drive people from their land. The scale was extraordinary and the international response was inadequate. Kidman, having been confronted with the reality of what was happening, decided to use her profile to change that.
"Atrocities being committed in Congo convinced her that she needed to take action."
— The Enough Project, reporting on Kidman's 2009 House testimonyFrom 2006 onward, she engaged seriously with the issue — not simply lending her name to a cause, but actively researching, meeting with survivors and advocates, and using speaking opportunities to shift public and political attention. By 2009, when IVAWA was advancing through the congressional advocacy cycle, she was a credible and informed voice on international gender-based violence.
The Testimony: What She Said
Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky opened the hearing by stating the core statistic that anchored IVAWA's case: that 1 in 3 women around the world is beaten or sexually abused in her lifetime. In the DRC specifically, she noted, rape was being used as a low-cost weapon of war to destroy communities and spread despair.
When Kidman testified, she did not attempt to speak as a policy expert. She spoke as someone who had been confronted with the reality of what the absence of this legislation meant for real women in real places. She called upon the United States government to continue and strengthen its work to eliminate violence against women — both domestically, through VAWA, and internationally, through the legislation being considered that day.
That closing line — precise, unqualified, impossible to argue with — became the phrase most frequently associated with the IVAWA campaign in the period that followed. It was picked up in media coverage, quoted in congressional testimony by other advocates, and used in campaign materials by Women Thrive Worldwide and partner organisations.
The hearing itself drew an unusually large audience for a congressional committee session on foreign policy. The crowd that had lined up outside the building was a measure of how effectively Kidman's involvement had raised the profile of legislation that advocates had struggled to keep visible.
The Broader IVAWA Campaign
To understand why the testimony mattered, it helps to understand where IVAWA stood in 2009 — and the challenge advocates faced in keeping it alive.
The legislation had been first introduced in 2007 by then-Senator Joe Biden, who had also been the primary architect of the original Violence Against Women Act in 1994. IVAWA was designed to do for US foreign policy what VAWA had done domestically: require a coordinated, funded, strategic approach to preventing and responding to gender-based violence — rather than treating it as a secondary concern in programs focused on other development or security objectives.
What the Testimony Achieved
Congressional testimony by celebrities is a well-worn tradition in Washington — and one that is frequently dismissed as theatre. Kidman's 2009 appearance was different, for several reasons.
First, she was a credible witness. She had spent three years engaged with UNIFEM, had met with survivors and practitioners in the field, and was testifying about a specific legislative proposal with specific policy content — not offering generalities about a cause she was broadly associated with. Members of the committee engaged with her substantively.
Second, the media coverage was significant. A hearing on international gender-based violence that would ordinarily receive minimal press attention was covered by multiple outlets as a result of her appearance. That coverage carried the IVAWA debate beyond the advocacy community and into the broader public conversation.
Third — and most importantly — the advocacy campaign in which her testimony was embedded produced a real, if partial, result. When IVAWA itself stalled in Congress, the Obama administration chose to achieve its core objective through executive action: the 2012 executive order establishing the US Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence Globally. While weaker than legislation (it could be — and has since been — weakened or reversed by subsequent administrations), it represented a direct response to years of IVAWA advocacy that Kidman's testimony had helped sustain.
"Violence against women is not a women's issue. It is a development issue, a security issue, and a US foreign policy issue that demands legislative teeth — not just executive discretion."
— Dr. Victoria Hargrove, Women ThriveWhy It Still Matters in 2026
The argument Kidman made in 2009 has not been resolved. IVAWA has not passed. The executive strategy established in 2012 has been weakened under subsequent administrations. And the data — 840 million women affected by violence globally, 137 killed every day by intimate partners or family members — shows that without binding legislative requirements, the US government's response to international gender-based violence remains discretionary, inconsistent, and chronically underfunded.
The testimony matters as a historical record because it demonstrates what serious advocacy looks like: credible witnesses speaking to specific legislation, within a sustained multi-year campaign, connected to a genuine evidence base. Women Thrive Worldwide's role in that campaign — coordinating the coalition, briefing congressional staff, and connecting international advocates with domestic legislative strategy — is part of why the campaign achieved as much as it did.
And the six words Kidman closed with remain both the most honest summary of the IVAWA case and the most useful provocation for anyone inclined to treat violence against women as a secondary policy concern: "A life free of violence is a human right."
For the full legislative background, see our analysis of violence against women and US policy. For the press coverage of the IVAWA campaign, see our IVAWA and Politico resource.